Sara Coleridge and Phantasmion
Shirley Watters
(The Coleridge Bulletin New Series No 10, Autumn 1997, pp22-38)
In a letter to her
brother Derwent in 1824, when she was 21, Sara Coleridge
declared, "You have been very good indeed lately in the
writing way... The affection you express for me gives me
sincere delight.
I have often thought of Mr Lamb & his sister &
wished our fate would be like theirs: but I will not trust
myself with you till you are past the marrying age: a
brother's wife I never can consent to live with."
Her fondness for her
brother and her respect for Charles and Mary Lamb drew her
towards idealising, and perhaps finding refuge in the
brother/sister relationship. She had recently
become engaged to her cousin, Henry Nelson Coleridge, and
she was struggling to reconcile her intellectual
aspirations with the expected demands of a Victorian
marriage.
Seven months later she wrote again to Derwent: "I should
have been happier with my taste, temper and habits, had I
been of your sex instead of the helpless dependent being I
am. The thing
that would suit me best of anything would be the life of a
country clergyman....
I should not marry."
Her reflections echo a
remark made by Lamb at about this time that "He (STC) ought
not to have had a wife or children; he should have a sort
of diocesan care of the world, - no parish duty." According
to the tenets of the time, of course, Coleridge need not
have got himself into the family way, but for Sara, with
her beauty and accomplishments, it was the natural course
to follow.
The marriage relationship, however, seemed deeply successful. Henry Nelson Coleridge, son of Colonel James Coleridge of Ottery St. Mary, was 4 years older than Sara, an intellectual and cultivated young man. When Derwent went up to St John's College in 1820, Henry, who was distinguishing himself at King's, introduced him to
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Cambridge Society, including his fellow Etonians,
and thus began a lifelong friendship. After a brilliant
University career, Henry began practising as a Chancery
barrister, and on January 5th 1823 he and his older
brother, James Taylor, called at Moreton House in Highgate
to pay their respects to their uncle, STC, and to meet
their aunt and cousin who had travelled down from Keswick. It was the first
time for ten years that Mr and Mrs Coleridge and Sara had
been together, and it is tantalising that few details of
this meeting exist.
Perhaps it was too momentous even for these three
prolific letter writers.
In his 1989 revaluation of Sara Coleridge,
"A Victorian Daughter",
Bradford Keyes Mudge comments: "For Coleridge to
find his only daughter...now grown into an attractive,
intelligent, industrious, and unassuming young woman,
possessing the very qualities he had tried unsuccessfully
to instil in his sons, would have been to confront a
powerfully disturbing irony."
For Henry the meeting
was disturbing in a different way - he fell in love - and
within two months he and Sara had become engaged. They agreed on
secrecy until Henry's career was firmly established, though
Sara found the necessary minor deceptions a strain for her
strong moral sense. The following year Henry spent several
months at his Ottery home because of ill-health and spoke
to his father about his proposed marriage. His fears were
realised: the Colonel considered a union into STC's
feckless family imprudent, and the older brother, John
Taylor, was given the task of informing Sara. She wrote a brave, spirited reply to her
uncle: "I may be disengaged, but my own feelings will never
permit me to think myself so...When I gave my heart to him
I gave it for good and all, and never will take it back..."
Consent was eventually granted, they married after an engagement of 6 years, and remained devoted until Henry's death from spinal paralysis in 1843. (14 years). At that time Sara wrote to Mrs Gillman: "It was at Highgate, at your house, that I first saw my
[24]
beloved Henry.
Since then, now 20 years ago, no two beings could be more
intimately united in heart and thoughts than we have
been... He concerned himself in all my feminine domestic
occupations, and admitted me into close intercourse with
him in all his higher spiritual & intellectual life." The division of
labour is clearly marked.
But it was the "spiritual and intellectual life"
that nurtured her; "the feminine domestic occupations"
involving constant child-bearing that exhausted her. She was often ill,
suffering from what she described as "derangement of the
nervous system".
Midway through their lives together, at a time of
particular strain, she spent 3 years, among other literary
tasks, writing and revising 'Phantasmion', described by the
Quarterly Review on publication "as poetry from beginning
to end ... a Fairy Tale ... pure as crystal in diction,
tinted like an opal with the hues of an ever-springing
sunlit fancy".
In his Preface to the Woodstock Facsimile edition, Jonathan
Wordsworth considers the prettiness of this description
belittles the strength of Sara's vision. Kathleen Jones
calls the book an "escapist fantasy".
Before we look at some of the text, I'd like to consider briefly how she combined writing with marriage, and her father/brother/husband relationships. Sara Coleridge was a fluent writer of letters. The 1,400 that have survived, together with her manuscript essays and diaries, are all in the Humanities Research Center in the University of Texas. I have had to rely on the published diaries, notebooks and letters of her family and friends, as well as the biography by Professor Mudge, Raymonde Hainton's book on Derwent published last year, and Kathleen Jones' new study, A Passionate Sisterhood. Sara herself gives us a glimpse into her early years in the autobiography she started to write a few months before she died of breast cancer at the age of 51, edited and published by her daughter in 1873.
[25]
"My dearest Edith, I
have long wished to give you a little sketch of my life. I once intended to
have given it with much particularity, but now
time presses.
Many memories are sweet, but the frequently absent
father casts a shadow.
"Alas! ...I inherited that uneasy health of his,
which kept us apart. But I did not mean to start with
alas!" The 26
pages end with a series of dots, which Virginia Woolf found
painfully significant, pointing to a life, unfinished like
Christabel, sacrificed to editing a father's literary
remains. Now,
that seems an over-simple early-feminist view.
Dorothy Wordsworth
records Sara's birth in her Grasmere Journal: December 24 1802.
"Coleridge came this morning with Wedgwood. (They had been
travelling in Cornwall) He looked well. We had to tell him
of the birth of his little girl, born yesterday at 6
o'clock." Two
weeks later - a briefly desperate entry: "Letter from
Keswick. C
poorly, in bad spirits."
No mention of mother or babe. “The Fortitude with which he had had to
bear the Impossibility of a GIRL was too much for him.” The long separation
began. During
the next 10 years Sara saw him for only short visits,
mostly at Allan Bank, and then not at all for the following
10 years.
Dorothy describes one of
these visits in a letter: November 18 1809. "Sara is to
stay with us till next Monday. Coleridge does not
much insist upon the child's being left at this time of
year, but she is to come in the spring, and Mrs C is
desirous to put off the evil day, for she dreads the
contamination which her lady-like manners must receive from
our rustic brood, worse than she would dread illness, I may
almost say death. As to poor little
Sara, she has behaved very sweetly ever since her Mother
left her, but there is nothing about her of the natural
wildness of a child.
She looks ill and has a bad appetite...".
In her Memoir Sara recalls this month-long spring visit by herself when she was six, being her "father's wish". "I slept with him,
[26]
and he would tell me fairy stories when he came to bed at
12 or 1 o'clock."
But STC longed for a more demonstrative show of love
than this "sweet-tempered, meek, blue-eyed Fairy" could
give. She
writes, "I remember his showing displeasure to me, and
accusing me of want of affection. I could not
understand why ... I slunk away, and hid myself in the wood
behind the house, and there my friend John ... came to seek
me." I am
reminded of young STC's flight to the River Otter, but how
different was the cause of guilt.
However, to set the
balance right, here is another memory: "During my Grasmere
visit I used to feel frightened at night on account of the
darkness ... My father understood. He insisted that a lighted candle should
be left in my room."
Two years later
Dorothy gives a more cheerful description of a visit to
Greta Hall: "I must say that Sara is a sweet girl - very
clever - her theatrical or conceited manners have left her. Her mother is an
excellent teacher by Books, for Sara is an admirable
scholar for her age.
She is also very fond of reading for her amusement -
devouring her Book - yet she is childlike and playful with
children."
Greta Hall was becoming
"a regular school" according to the delighted Mrs
Coleridge, with "English, Latin, writing, figures, French
and Italian". By the time Sara was 14 Southey could
report that "(She) has received an education here at home
which would astonish you" (John Estlin); and more
practically, Dorothy wrote, "should it be necessary she
will be well fitted to become a Governess in a nobleman's
or gentleman's family".
Sara put her education to use first when she was 16. At Southey's suggestion, Derwent began translating from the Latin Martin Dobrizhoffer's book on Paraguay to help pay his way through Cambridge, and Sara eagerly joined him. J H Frere then offered financial assistance, and Derwent gratefully stopped his share of the task, but Sara wanted to continue. Southey agreed, "but she must not
[27]
work too hard" or be "disappointed if
nothing was gained by it".
The book was published anonymously in 1822 and she
earned £113, part of which she gave to Derwent. Their collaboration
had given them both pleasure, and they read a number of
Italian and Latin books together before Derwent left for
Cambridge. The intellectual bond between brother and sister
was firmly established and did not weaken after their marriages. Continuing the friendship begun at
Cambridge, her brother and husband maintained a close
correspondence all their lives, Henry sometimes visiting
Helston as a barrister on the Western Circuit. Sara and Derwent's
wife, Mary Pridham, wrote to each other frequently - there
are 312 ms letters from Sara to Mary in the Texas archive. The STC Editorial
Co-operative brought them working together after 1834; and
after the deaths of Henry and Sara, their daughter Edith
went to live with Derwent and Mary, sharing parish duties
with their own daughter Christabel.
I have skimmed over
the years here to show how sustaining this sibling link
must have been, especially for Sara, who thrived on
intellectual discourse.
A comment in a letter to Mary illustrates her
enjoyment. She
is writing about her correspondence with F D Maurice, which
often ran to 20 pages.
"He is always instructive - but he won't let one
enjoy one's own opinions
much - he either
snatches them out of one's hands or tosses them over the
hedge on to a dung-hill, or crumples them or takes the
shine out of them so that one's ashamed to ask for them
back."
Both Derwent and Henry complained of her abstruse communications, the first wanting "more news and less theology", and the second pleading for information about "wife and children", instead of "discourses on taste and criticism". But Sara wasn't interested in anecdote. Writing a holiday letter from Margate, she mentions the price of meat "lamb 8d and beef 9d!" And adds, " I am so often
[28]
twitted with my devotion to intellectual
things, that I am always glad of an opportunity of sporting
a little beef and mutton erudition."
Before ending this
digression on Derwent, it should be said that Sara always
had great affection too for Hartley, and their natures
perhaps had more in common, though his unsettled existence
in the Lake District made communication difficult. When he died
suddenly in 1849 she wrote sadly of their long separation,
how he had been "a source of pride and pleasure" in her
girlhood, but also the cause of "keen anguish and searching
anxiety".
And now to return to
Sara's first publication, which was quietly acclaimed by a
small circle of readers.
STC wrote later, "My dear daughter's translation ...
is unsurpassed for pure mother English by anything I have
read for a long time."
She next turned to a 16th Century French text, 'The
Memoirs of Chevalier Bayard'. In September 1824 Dorothy
Wordsworth wrote in a letter: "Sara Coleridge rode over to
us in Borrowdale ... She is extremely thin; I could not but
think of a lily-flower to be snapped by the first blast,
when I looked at her delicate form, her fair and pallid
cheeks. She is
busy with proof-sheets, - a labour that she likes." And
here is Mrs Coleridge in a letter to Poole: "Many of the
Chevaliers exploits were acted in Italy so that she has
immense folios of Italian Histories to look into, all of
which is an amusement and a thing for which she seems to
have a passion."
"Amusement" - an ominous word. By now she was openly engaged to Henry, and Southey thought it proper that her next project, the translation of the Memoirs of Jean de Troye, should be for "amusement" only, without the pressures of proofs and printers. Her health, always in delicate balance, suffered, and she wrote in a letter (Mary Calvert) "I am unable to sleep at all without laudanum, which I regret much, though I do not think I shall find any difficulty in leaving it off. She started writing essays, parts of which were incorporated
[29]
into her letters; but, writing to
Henry in 1827 (5 years into the engagement, 2 years before
the marriage) her words belittle her literary ambitions: "My childish and
girlish castles in the air are now exchanged for others
which have you for their object - to contribute to your
daily comfort and pleasure." They were married in Keswick
in September 1829.
Dorothy Wordsworth records: "On Thursday to dinner
arrived the bridal pair - very interesting - and the most
pleasing company I ever had to do with at a time so
engrossingly interesting to themselves. Sara always was
interesting; but she is now much more so - she is so
quietly happy and
cheerful - and not abstracted as she often used to be."
They rented a
cottage in Hampstead.
The following year Sara became pregnant ("No cause
for joy" wrote Dorothy) and Mrs Coleridge came to live with
them permanently, an arrangement which pleased them both,
enabling Sara to abrogate many of the domestic
responsibilities.
During the next 10 years she was often pregnant, but
only the first two babies survived, Herbert and Edith. She wrote hundreds
of little poems for them, and Henry encouraged her to
publish a selection called "Pretty Lessons in Verse". They ranged from
simple mnemonics -
Lupus means a wolf,
Ursa is a bear
Vulpes means a fox,
Lepus means a hare
to the longer six-versed
'Poppies', of which Derwent, understandably enough,
disapproved –
When poor mama long restless lies
She drinks the poppies juice;
That liquor soon can close her eyes
And slumber soft produce.
[30]
She took delight in
their education, and continued to study the Classics with
Herbert while he was at Eton. She was amused by
the surprise of her uncle, Lord Justice Coleridge, that she
was reading Aristophanes with Herby. "I had clean
forgotten the uncleanness, till my boy discreetly observed
that there was a word in the next line which would not do
to be voiced aloud."
Like her father she did not approve of moral tales,
"stories of naughty and good boys and girls, and how their
parents, pastors and masters did or ought to have managed
them." But,
"fairy stories,"
she wrote, "were wholesome food, by way of variety,
for the childish mind.
It is curious that on this point Sir Walter Scott,
and Charles Lamb, my father, my Uncle Southey and Mr
Wordsworth were all agreed."
All this led
directly to the writing of Phantasmion, which, according to
Edith, "was at first intended (though it soon outgrew its
original limits) as a mere child's story for the amusement
of her little boy."
Sending a copy to her friend, Arabella Brooke, she
wrote, "in these days to print a fairy tale is the very way
to be not read
but shoved aside with contempt." Indeed, reviews
were mixed, from her brothers included. Hartley admired it;
Derwent thought it lacked unity and moral.
She decided against writing any more children's stories or "airy dreams", nor did she wish to join the ranks of lady novelists, though she read widely and formed strong opinions on women writers generally: "... the imaginative vigour of Mrs J Baillie, the eloquence and profundity of Madame de Stael, the brilliancy of Mrs Hemans (though I think her over-rated), the pleasant broad comedy of Miss Burney and Miss Ferrier, the melancholy tenderness of Miss Bowles, the pathos of Inchbald and Opie, the masterly sketching of Miss Edgeworth (who, like Hogarth, paints manners as they grow out of morals, and not merely as they are modified and tinctured by
[31]
fashion), the strong and touching, but sometimes coarse
pictures of Miss Martineau ... and last not least, the
delicate mirth,
the gentle-hinted satire, the feminine decorous
humour of Jane Austen, who, if not the greatest, is surely
the most faultless of female novelists."
But she also
commented, "To read novels is all very well; but to write
them, except the first rate ones, how distasteful a task it
seems to me!
to dwell so long...on what is essentially base and
worthless!" She might have enjoyed reading George Eliot's
anonymous article in the Westminster Review of October 1856
had she lived another 4 years - "Silly novels of Lady
Novelists are a genus of many species...- the frothy, the
prosy, the pious, or the pedantic."
For both women the
father's death opened up an escape route, but in different
directions. Eliot's daring relationship with Lewes helped
her to achieve a fusion of intellect and passion in the
novel form, exploring the physical and social laws of life; Sara Coleridge, on the other hand, began
to find out that Uncle Southey's strictures were correct -
the Angel in the House couldn't also be a career woman. In
publishing her mother's Memoir and Letters, Edith Coleridge
left out what might offend or displease. The following
extract is not included, and I quote from Mudge. Sara
wrote, "I reject all those burning expressions which
suggest themselves in my mind in crowds and will endeavour
to write only at the dictation of that highest mind which
has nothing in common with the body. O who will deliver me
from this body of death."
This was written in October 1836 during a visit to Ottery St Mary soon after the death of Henry's father, and two years after the deaths of their 4-day old twins, Florence and Berkeley. Fearful that she was pregnant again, she was on the verge of a nervous breakdown. On the way home to London, they stopped at an inn at Ilchester and she refused to go further, leaving Mrs Coleridge, Henry, the nurse and the two children to return without her. She insisted on
[32]
staying for 6 weeks, recovering in the peace of
her isolation, writing letters, revising Phantasmion, and
working on a new edition of her father's 'Aids to
Reflection'.
When Coleridge had
died in 1834, Sara's grief was mixed with anger at the way
he was being "misrepresented", particularly in De Quincey's
essays in Tait's Edinburgh Magazine. She partly blamed
"the depraved craving of the public for personality". She had written to
Henry, "STC's works must be re-issued, (but not) disjointed
and unaccompanied.
Let them be set forth..." The expression
sounds like an act of creation. Together they
edited 'Table Talk' (though it was attributed only to
Henry), and she began transcribing her father's notes which
were to become the four volumes of the Literary Remains. Encouraged by Henry
she began to re-read everything Coleridge had written,
producing an edition of Aids to Reflection in 1843,
Biographia Literaria in 1847 and Essays on his own Times in
1850, and struggled to complete a new edition of the Poems
with Derwent before she died in 1852. She had turned from
fiction and fantasy to religious philosophy. She wrote to Henry
soon after Phantasmion was published, "I feel the strongest
bent for theological topics......(and) I feel the most
complete sympathy with my father in his account of his
literary difficulties.
Whatever subject I commence I feel discontent unless
I could pursue it in every direction to the furthest bounds
of thought ... This was the reason my father wrote by
snatches. He
could not bear to complete incompletely, which everybody
else does."
In an unusual way, Sara's marriage brought father and daughter into a closer bond, not so much physically as illness on both sides prevented frequent visiting across Hampstead Heath, but more by congruency of mind. Henry and Sara had first met at the Gillmans' house where Coleridge was lodged, and Sara wrote in a letter to Mrs Gillman at the time of her father's death in that same house 12 years
[33]
later, "It has been one of many blessings attendant on my
marriage, that by it we were both drawn into closer
communion with that gifted spirit." And that close
communion persisted as they continued their editorial work
until Henry's final illness and death in 1843. She was
shattered by this loss.
"Nobody was now left who loved me more than all the
world beside, took an interest in whatever concerned me,
and saw my whole mind and person through glorifying golden
mist. I seemed
to be laid bare - reduced from poetry to prose."
But, having
arranged for the coffins of her husband and father to be
laid together in Highgate Cemetery, she soon eagerly
returned to the prose task of putting the STC "literary
house" in order.
Within 6 months the 5th Edition of "Aids to
Reflection" was published, the second volume containing her
lengthy essay 'On Rationalism', which became well-known to
members of the Oxford Movement. Hartley was
impressed:
"Dear Sara's treatise ... is a wonder. I say not a wonder
of a woman's work - where lives the man that could have
written it?
None in Great Britain since our Father died." When Kathleen
Coburn gave a paper in 1971 on editing the Notebooks, she
commented:
"Sara Coleridge was probably the most learned of her
father's editors; and she is one who cannot, so far as I
know, be charged with tampering with any text."
But she does not fit easily into modern critical thinking. She wrote within the prescribed limits of Victorian society, identifying herself with her father, writing under his name, subordinating herself in doing so, but also exerting control over his image. At the first Coleridge Summer Conference in 1986 Professor Mudge discussed the ambiguity of her success in this search for a voice in 19th Century literature. This paper was printed in the second Bulletin, First Series. But as far as I know, there has been no full critical study of Phantasmion.
[34]
I'd like now to consider
briefly some possible influences on the writing of the
book. Certainly her early life in the Lake District forms
the basic fabric.
"We all know," she wrote, "that the
circumstances of our childhood give the prevailing hue to
our involuntary taste and feelings for the rest of our
lives. I
cannot picture to myself a Paradise without Lakes and
Mountains."
Her father's youthful comment on the young Dorothy - her
"eye watchful in minutest observation of nature" - might be
applied to Sara, as her daughter, Edith, described how she
"could turn at any time from the most abstruse metaphysical
speculations, to inspect the domestic architecture of a
spider, or describe the corolla of a rose."
Her wide reading must
also have contributed.
She too was a "library cormorant", having had free
access to Southey's large collection of books. From her
translations she must have absorbed details of past
cultures, particularly from the battles and other exploits
of Chevalier Bayard.
Shaping these experiences was her delight in fairy
stories; she
had heard them from Uncle Southey at Greta Hall and was now
sharing this pleasure with Herbert. Children still
enjoy them because the focus is on situation rather than
character.
Iona and Peter Opie describe them as "Space fiction of the
past." In 1845 she added an Envoy to her own copy:
Go, little book,
and sing of love and beauty,
To tempt the
worldling into fairy land;
Tell him that airy
dreams are sacred duty,
Bring better wealth
than aught his toils command."
The imagination plays a sacred role in lifting the spirit above the merely mundane. Sara said her book belonged to the same class of fiction as Peter Wilkins and Robinson Crusoe, two of her father's favourite childhood books; she was possibly reading some of his remarks on Defoe at about the time she was writing, and his words
[35]
make
an apt introduction: "Novels are to love as fairy tales are
to dreams. ..... This is delightfully exemplified in the
Arabian
Night's Entertainments, and indeed, more or less, in other
works of the same kind.
In all these there is the same activity of mind as
in dreaming......To this must be added that these tales
cause no deep
feeling of a moral kind - whether of religion or love." In
discussing 'The Ancient Mariner', Deidre Toomey suggests
that the Arabian Nights were part of Coleridge's
consciousness rather than another mere source for or
analogue of his poem. And they provided the idea for
Southey's long poem 'Thalaba', published in 1801.
Both these poets kept
accounts of their dreams and used them in their writing. For Coleridge,
opium inevitably had its effect in prolonging the dream
state, and even Southey dosed himself occasionally for a
cold. As we now know, the vicious circle of
addiction was not then understood. Sara's first
reference to opium is in 1825. She kept a diary of
her ill-health which shows that she became addicted by
the mid-thirties, and in 1834, the year of Coleridge's
death and the year she began Phantasmion, she wrote an
essay entitled 'Nervousness'. It takes the form of a
dialogue between Invalid and Good Genius, and is a
remarkably clear analysis of the delicate interrelationship
of the mind and the body.
By dividing herself into two, she could examine the
"disorders which
affect the mind but do not radically & directly
impair the Reason", so that "Reason, or our own
Understanding, overruled by a sense of duty....and aided by
grace" could offer sympathy and advice to the distressed
Invalid. The
writing controls the nervous disorder.
In the same way, the writing of Phantasmion controls any violent emotions that may be hidden beneath the text. Lovers, parents and children are not responsible for their lives. Moral choices are set aside. This is not the world of Spenser or Bunyan. Spirits, like Ariel, sport with "human hopes and purposes". And, like Ferdinand,
[36]
Phantasmion finds that when the "insubstantial
pageant" fades, he has survived the test: "Phantasmion
looked round in momentary dread, lest Iarine should have
proved a spirit and vanished like the rest; but there she
stood, her face beaming bright as ever in full sunshine,
the earnest that all he remembered and all he hoped for was
not to fade like a dream." But his test, forming the vital thread of
the whole book, involves much more than being shipwrecked
and stacking wood.
The story is action-packed: a power struggle shakes
a kaleidoscope of battles, storms, deaths, imprisonment in
towers or dungeons, poisoning, electric shocks, magic
potions, disguise, love and thwarted love, a stolen baby,
and lost parents.
Details about
Sara's life may make connections, but don't offer
explanations. The first passage read last night (pp 17-23
Woodstock edition) might in part be traced to an event at
Greta Hall that Mrs Coleridge described in a letter to Tom
Poole. The
artist, George Dawe, painted a large picture (9'x8') of a
"Woman on the point of a High Rock, taking an infant from
an Eagle's Nest; the Eagle flying over her head." Mrs Coleridge
complained that it was very inconvenient as the weather was
cold, and Mr Dawe insisted on the windows being left open
so that he could see the true colours of the scene outside. And furthermore,
sister Edith was expecting her seventh confinement at any
moment. The 9
year-old Sara might well have the drama of the picture and
its domestic context in her memory.
The fairy, the queen of
the insect world, is an ancient woman with wings who helps
Phantasmion throughout.
She is called Potentilla, like the flower,
signifying "Little Powerful One". She appears to
provide him with the imagination of a child to accomplish
those feats in which, as an adult, he now wishes to
succeed.
The second passage (pp 233-236), where Iarine has just been rescued from a boiling water-spout by a stranger, suggests the depth and complexity of love through the detailed description and measured
[37]
cadence of the sentences. A mixture of chance
and magic has brought these two noble individuals into an
uneasy relationship, and a similar mixture of chance and
magic releases them, rather as the four lovers are
manoevred in "A Midsummer Night's Dream". In fact this play
is referred to elsewhere, when the Fairies' song is
re-shaped to question the identification of truth with
beauty. The
command "Newts and blindworms, do no wrong," is turned into
the statement, "Newts and blindworms do no wrong". And "Spotted snakes
with double tongue" is changed to "Spotted snakes from
guilt are clear".
Within the polished and intricate narrative Sara
explores the turmoil of love.
She had the highest
regard for Wordsworth as a poet, but two of her comments
from two different letters written in 1847 are interesting. The first is to
Miss Fenwick: "To my Uncle Southey I owe much - even to his
books; to his example, his life and conversation, far more. But to Mr
Wordsworth and my father I owe my
thoughts more than to all other men put
together." And the second is to Aubrey de Vere: "Mr Wordsworth was
never in love, properly speaking. I have heard him boast of it, in (the)
presence of his wife, who smiled angelically, delighted
that her husband should be so superior to common men. This superiority,
however, entails a certain deficiency. He cannot
sympathise with a certain class of feelings in consequence
- he cannot realise them.
He is always upon stilts when he enters these
subjects. He
stalks along with a portentous stride & then stamps his
great wooden foot down, in the clumsiest manner
imaginable... My father, on the other hand, though I say
it, that shouldn't say it, was perfect in this line -
faultless as Shakespeare, if not as great as Shakespeare,
in his representations of women, and the relation of men to
women."
In the family relationships in "Phantasmion" it is particularly tempting to look for psycho-biographical details. In his Preface,
[38]
Jonathan Wordsworth writes, "It would be possible...to find
significance in Iarine's devotion to her dying father,
Albinian (pp317-320).
Other father-daughter relationships exist ... out of
which something might doubtless be made. But Sara's writing at no point suggests
one seeking to compensate for childhood desertion. Her fantasy is
unrevealing." So perhaps it is wise just to enjoy the book
without giving way to the "depraved craving...for
personality" to which Sara objected.
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